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Ron Bailey argues that “AI regulators are more likely to run amok than is AI.” A slice:

With his own considerable foresight, the brilliant political scientist Aaron Wildavsky anticipated how the precautionary principle would actually end up doing more harm than good. “The direct implication of trial without error is obvious: If you can do nothing without knowing first how it will turn out, you cannot do anything at all,” he wrote in his brilliant 1988 book Searching for Safety. “An indirect implication of trial without error is that if trying new things is made more costly, there will be fewer departures from past practice; this very lack of change may itself be dangerous in forgoing chances to reduce existing hazards….Existing hazards will continue to cause harm if we fail to reduce them by taking advantage of the opportunity to benefit from repeated trials.”

John Masko applauds push-back against California’s nanny state. A slice:

A Proposition 65 warning can be required even if there is no scientific evidence that anyone has been sickened by consuming a given product—chocolate, for instance. While a Consumer Reports study in 2022 found that popular chocolate bars contained more than California’s recommended allowable doses of cadmium and lead, no research has linked eating chocolate to a higher risk of birth defects or metal toxicity.

Dandelion Chocolate started its warning by covering its legal bases, as all California businesses must. But then, in smaller print further down, things got cheeky: “Cadmium is a naturally-occurring component in soil, and many plants take it up as they absorb nutrients, which is how it gets into our cocoa beans. According to the CDC, cadmium is commonly found in vegetables, and in relatively high concentrations in leafy greens like spinach. The law won’t allow us to say much more about how the tiny trace amounts in our product will affect your health, but if you want to reduce your exposure to cadmium generally, you might consider eating fewer leafy greens.”

In this short paragraph, I saw something I had almost never seen before. During the two years I lived in San Francisco and on many visits since, I had often seen businesses—straining under the city and state’s regulatory and tax burdens—react with acceptance, a sigh or even an exasperated roll of the eyes. But with laughter and open ridicule? With the sarcastic suggestion that customers worried about chocolate bars should instead eat fewer vegetables? This was entirely new. This wasn’t mere frustration, but the anger of a San Francisco business tired of being asked to behave like an obedient child in the face of overbearing authority run amok.

Here’s the abstract of a new paper by Alessandro Caiumi and Giovanni Peri: (HT Clark Packard)

In this article we revive, extend and improve the approach used in a series of influential papers written in the 2000s to estimate how changes in the supply of immigrant workers affected natives’ wages in the US. We begin by extending the analysis to include the more recent years 2000-2022. Additionally, we introduce three important improvements. First, we introduce an IV that uses a new skill-based shift-share for immigrants and the demographic evolution for natives, which we show passes validity tests and has reasonably strong power. Second, we provide estimates of the impact of immigration on the employment-population ratio of natives to test for crowding out at the national level. Third, we analyze occupational upgrading of natives in response to immigrants. Using these estimates, we calculate that immigration, thanks to native-immigrant complementarity and college skill content of immigrants, had a positive and significant effect between +1.7 to +2.6\% on wages of less educated native workers, over the period 2000-2019 and no significant wage effect on college educated natives. We also calculate a positive employment rate effect for most native workers. Even simulations for the most recent 2019-2022 period suggest small positive effects on wages of non-college natives and no significant crowding out effects on employment.

Arnold Kling reflects on his book, written with Nick Schulz, Invisible Wealth. A slice:

The contrast between rich countries and poor countries also is striking. We cite a paper by David Henderson and Charley Cooper that in 28 high-income countries average annual income per person is at least $9000 but the majority of the world’s people live in countries where the average annual income per person is less than $800.

We include analysis by economists at the World Bank which says that 82 percent of the wealth in the United States is intangible, meaning wealth that does not consist of natural resources or capital equipment.

Meanwhile, in the United States, white-collar work rose from 22 percent of the labor force in 1910 to 76 percent in 2000. One hundred years ago, Americans worked mostly with things. Today, they work mostly with symbols and/or with people. To put it another way, over the course of the 20th century, we went from 3/4 of the labor force working in the [mainstream economics] textbook economy to 3/4 working in the intangible economy.

Joakim Book reminds us that, although we inhabit a reality of inescapable scarcity, there’s every reason to believe that people in markets reasonably free can and will continue to produce ever-greater abundance. A slice:

The basic rationale is thus simple: “Although we live in a world of a limited number of atoms,” as Marian Tupy and Gale Pooley say in their masterful creation Superabundance, “there are virtually infinite ways to arrange those atoms. The possibilities for creating new value are thus immense.”

Economic growth itself, said University of Mississippi economist Josh Hendrickson in an interchange with The Guardian’s George Monbiot a few years ago, is about “finding more efficient uses of resources.” It’s about observing how market prices and the profit motive urge entrepreneurs and businesses to economize on production while producing more value for consumers. We can visibly see this in the products that technology has merged into one (smartphones displacing a dozen or more physical appliances), or the thinner cans or more efficient engines that innovation routinely delivers.

Economists aren’t just playing word games when they say that growth can keep going forever. We can always make more stuff since the physical atoms under our command right now are far from all the physical atoms on our planet (or solar system). By growth, economists mean value-creation exchanged in the marketplace, a market that can change in the types of value we exchange, and the growing portion of our economies can involve fewer atoms than what came before.

“Resource” which the general public think of as physical collections of elements in the ground, economists define much more broadly. Nothing becomes a resource until the human mind makes it so, i.e., “there are no resources until we find them, identify their possible uses, and develop ways to obtain and process them” to quote Julian Simon, whose pioneering work in resource economics prompted Tupy and Pooley to launch their Superabundance project.

UCLA economist Lee Ohanian reports on the destruction, by California’s minimum-wage diktats, of employment opportunities open to low-skilled workers in that state. (HT George Leef) A slice:

It is nothing short of bizarre that California would choose to specify a substantially higher minimum wage for its fast-food industry, which tends to hire workers who are much younger than other industries, which have a minimum wage of about $16 per hour. About 30 percent of fast-food workers are teens, and another 30 percent are between twenty and twenty-four years old. With 60 percent of its workforce twenty-four or younger, the fast-food industry stands in sharp contrast to the other industries, in which only about 13 percent of workers are that young.

Young workers have less experience than older workers and are still in the process of building skills, both of which tend to limit the amount of value that young workers can create for an employer. Young workers are also expensive from a human resources standpoint, because they require significant training and because they tend to move in and out of employment frequently, reflecting school schedules. Annual worker turnover in the fast-food industry exceeds 100 percent, which raises employer recruiting and training costs significantly.

Fast-food employers have few alternatives to a $20 minimum wage other than cutting their workforces or raising prices, as fast-food profit margins are slim, averaging 5‒8 percent. Labor advocates typically argue for the need of a “living wage” when it comes to the pay of less-skilled workers. But this ignores the fact that many of those workers are part time, and it also ignores the fact that fast-food owners and their investors must receive adequate compensation for their time and capital. Living wages can mean no wages, which is what has happened for over 9,500 California fast-food workers since last September.

Pierre Lemieux is correct: “In my view, economists who take economics seriously can only tell policymakers what the latter don’t want to hear given their incentives and their selection.” A slice:

James Buchanan, one of the main artisans of public choice economics, was also a major political philosopher. He persuasively argued that the possibility of an auto-regulated order where government direction is not constantly required is central to modern economics (see notably his 1979 book What Should Economists Do?). This idea, Buchanan wrote, “is in no way ‘natural’ to the human mind which, in innocence, is biased toward simplistic collectivism.” Economists must thus teach “a vision of economic process that is not natural to man’s ordinary ways of thinking.” They should try to teach these ideas to the public much more urgently than consult with politicians and bureaucrats, who benefit from simplistic collectivism.

The economist who takes economics seriously cannot be a faithful adviser to a democratic Prince more than he can be coopted in the service of an authoritarian government.

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Quotation of the Day…

is from page 138 of the 5th edition (2020) of Douglas Irwin’s superb book Free Trade Under Fire (footnote deleted; link added):

One reason that Trump and many others have these views [about trade deficits] is that they believe a country is like a company. A company cannot suffer losses forever, spending more in producing goods than it earns in selling them. A company has a clear bottom line, and Trump is familiar with that world. Is the same true for a country? The answer is no. The United States will not cease to exist – or even become poorer – if the trade deficit continues.

DBx: Yes.

To use Hayek’s important distinction, a company – and also a government – is an organization. An economy, in contrast, is an order. Orders are categorically distinct from organizations. Unlike organizations, orders are not consciously created. Nor do orders have purposes or goals (although they can and do assist individuals and organizations in the pursuit of the individuals’ and the organizations’ goals). Also unlike an organization, no order has an actual balance sheet, income statement, or bottom line. Other differences: orders have no legal standing, and orders cannot be properly said to ‘do’ anything; unlike individuals, households, and businesses, orders can’t borrow, lend, spend, consume, produce, owe or be owed, or own or be owned. Orders cannot export or import. And while organizations have net worths, orders do not – and no such net worth is conjured into existence by summing the real net worths of each of the order’s components (for example, an economy’s households).

The absurd concept of the balance of trade is borne of the mistaken belief that an economy (an order) is an organization. It’s a category error. The attempt to portray orders as organizations has led, and continues to lead, to no end of confusion. And this confusion serves as spectacularly proficient fertilizer for bad trade policies.

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Some Links

In a Twitter (now known as “X”) thread, Phil Magness exposes the errors and dishonesty in Gabriel Zucman’s recent essay in the New York Times. A slice:

To summarize, Zucman’s “stunning graph” in the NYT is a result of two acts of data manipulation.

1. He suppresses the true effective tax rate on the rich over time by misallocating corporate tax incidence to them.

2. He simultaneously inflates the rate for the poor by excluding EITC

Writing in Reason, Arnold Kling explains that artificial intelligence does not – cannot – improve the prospects that central planning will work. A slice:

Economic organization is a wicked problem. Your intuition might be that the best approach would be for a department of experts to determine what goods and services get produced and how they are distributed. This is known as central planning, and it has not worked well in reality. The Soviet Union fell in part because its centrally planned economy could not keep up with the West.

Some advocates of central planning have claimed that computers could provide the solution. In a 2017 Financial Times article headlined “The Big Data revolution can revive the planned economy,” columnist John Thornhill cited entrepreneur Jack Ma, among others, claiming that eventually a planned economy will be possible. Those with this viewpoint see central planning as an information-processing problem, and computers are now capable of handling much more information than are individual human beings. Might they have a point?

F.A. Hayek made a compelling counterargument. In a famous paper called “The Use of Knowledge in Society,” first published in 1945, Hayek argued that some information is tacit, meaning that it will never be articulated in a form that can be input to a computer. He also argued that some information is dispersed, meaning that it is known only in small part to any one person. Given the decentralized character of information, a market system generates prices, which in turn generate the knowledge necessary to efficiently organize an economy.

A central computer is not going to know how you as an individual would trade off between two goods. You may not be able to articulate your preferences yourself, until you are confronted with a choice at market prices. The computer is not going to know how consumers will respond to a new product or service, and it is not going to know how a new invention might change production patterns. The trial-and-error process of markets, using prices, profits, and losses, addresses these challenges.

Economists have a saying that “all costs are opportunity costs.” That is, the cost of any good is the cost of what you have to forgo in order to obtain it. In other words, cost is not inherent in the nature of the good itself or how it is produced. It is impossible to know the cost of a good until it is traded in the market. If central planners do away with the market, then they will not have the information needed to calculate costs and make good decisions. Forced to use guesswork, planners will inevitably misallocate resources.

In a market system, bad decisions result in losses for firms, forcing them to adapt. Without the signals provided by prices, profits, and losses, a central planner’s computer will not even be aware of the mistakes that it makes.

Kevin Erdmann makes the case that “America needs more abundant and more affordable homes, and the only way to get them is to let corporate owners build them and rent them out.”

Kimberley Strassel argues that Biden’s “fear of taking on the crazy left poses a real threat to his re-election chances.” Two slices:

A coddled coterie of malcontents—initially centered at elite universities—spent April taking over buildings, shutting down classes, and hurling antisemitic slurs in the name of “pro-Palestinian” activism. Politically, the obvious response was always simple. Neither the masked mob, nor their cause, is remotely popular.

…..

That’s the biggest threat brought on by Mr. Biden’s failure to defend his own policies forcefully. The president desperately wants the youth vote, but his tiptoeing is costing him the support of millions of Americans who are already disgusted by the wokeism of higher education, soaring tuition bills, and Mr. Biden’s student-loan gifts. Many have children or grandchildren at college who are being robbed of classes, finals and, potentially, graduation ceremonies.

Mr. Biden’s repeated failures to take a stand against his left’s worst instincts are directly related to his current abysmal approval ratings. It isn’t quite too late for him to step up as a leader, but it soon may be.

Richard Rahn asks: “What would Eisenhower have done about Columbia University?” Here’s his conclusion:

In the past, employers would pay a premium for the graduates of the Ivy League, Stanford, the University of Chicago, and other top schools, with the assumption that they were better educated and more open to new ideas. That exaggeration is now being exposed. The market will work — less famous schools (including non-American ones) will see and exploit the opportunity to create world-class educational programs and thus attract the best students. May the legacy schools rest in peace.

George Will looks at the 2024 American electorate. A slice:

Because so many Democratic voters are in California (13.7 percent of the party’s national popular vote total in 2020) and a few other noncompetitive states (e.g., Illinois, New York), the party probably must win the national popular vote by more than 3 percentage points to win 270 electoral votes. Oddities abound. Gerald Ford came closer to defeating Jimmy Carter in the 1976 popular vote than Mitt Romney came to defeating Obama in 2012. Clinton, losing to Trump in 2016, won the popular vote by a larger margin (2.1 points) than John F. Kennedy did defeating Richard M. Nixon in 1960.

GMU Econ alum Dominic Pino shares this happy news: “Nissan employees in New Jersey decertify UAW.” A slice:

You wouldn’t know it from the wall-to-wall positive media coverage, but the Nissan workers are actually more representative of national trends than the VW workers are. UAW membership declined last year to 370,000. It was nearly 400,000 in 2020, and it peaked at 1.5 million in 1970. The UAW has far more retired members than active members, and roughly the same number work for the University of California system as work for General Motors. The overall union membership rate in the U.S. last year was a record-low 10 percent, and it was only 6 percent in the private sector.

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Quotation of the Day…

… is from page xv of the 1994 Random House edition of Barbara Tuchman’s 1966 book, The Proud Tower:

Man had entered the Nineteenth Century using only his own and animal power, supplemented by that of wind and water, much as he had entered the Thirteenth, or, for that matter, the First. He entered the Twentieth with his capacities in transportation, communication, production, manufacture and weaponry multiplied a thousandfold by the energy of machines.

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On Dani Rodrik On Trade

Here’s a letter to a long-time Cafe patron:

Mr. B__:

Thanks for sending the recent essay (“The two faces of free trade”) by Dani Rodrik, which I’d missed. I don’t, however, share your good impression of it. He’s mistaken about at least two key facts, and at a critical juncture his language is vague.

Factually, Rodrik is dead wrong to write about “the erosion of the middle class in the United States.” Notably, he presents no evidence to back this claim, for no such credible evidence exists. As has been documented repeatedly by people who took the time to look carefully, the data are clear that America’s middle-class (at least up to the pandemic) is thriving. See the work of Phil Gramm, Robert Ekelund, and John Early – of Michael Strain – of Scott Lincicome – of Scott Winship – of Bruce Sacerdote – of William Cline – of Mark Perry – and even of me.

Rodrik also wrongly treats trade as if it’s a uniquely important source of economic change. It’s not. Yes, trade ‘destroys’ some particular jobs (as it creates others). Trade also changes the fortunes of some locales relative to others. But these are the consequences of all economic change. So will Prof. Rodrik propose to “democratise” all economic change as he proposes to “democratise” trade? Does he wish to subject to political control the introduction of all new consumer goods, all new methods of production, and all new means of transportation and communication? Does he also want government to have veto power over changes in consumer tastes, decisions about family size, and choices of whether or not to relocate across county or state lines – all things that destroy some jobs (as they create others)? If not, his proposal to single out for special control one lone source of economic change – namely, people’s access to imports – makes no more sense than would a proposal to single out for special control any other lone source of economic change, such as people’s access to the Internet or to new sources of energy.

And what does he even mean when he proposes to “democratise” trade? Does Rodrik think that post-war agreements to the GATT, WTO, and other trade pacts by the U.S., Canada, France, Sweden, the U.K., and other democratic countries are undemocratic? Apparently he does. So what’s his alternative? Plebiscitary control over any and all changes in trade opportunities? Who knows? Calling for greater ‘democratization’ of this and that strikes the modern ear as being oh so profound, progressive, and indisputably correct – until one asks “What, exactly, does that mean beyond greater government control?”

I’ve a final note. In the sentence immediately following his call to “democratise” trade, Rodrik writes: “That is the only way to ensure it serves the common good, rather than narrow interests.” Nothing could be more confused. History shows that governments with the power to restrict trade do so to enrich narrow interests at the greater expense of their citizens. Under free trade, in contrast, narrow interests are neutered, thereby leaving every person free to spend his or her income in ways that he or she judges best and, in turn, promoting the common good as well as is humanly possible. Rodrik’s belief that further politicization of trade is a means of diminishing the influence of narrow interests would be comical if its consequences weren’t so awful.

Sincerely,
Donald J. Boudreaux
Professor of Economics
and
Martha and Nelson Getchell Chair for the Study of Free Market Capitalism at the Mercatus Center
George Mason University
Fairfax, VA 22030

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The Depth of Economic Ignorance Is Unfathomable

To everyone – left, right, and center – who believes that the market economy can and will be made to operate better if more power to superintended and intervene in the economy is given to government officials, spend the less than two minutes it takes to watch this performance by the current Chairman of the U.S. president’s Council of Economic Advisors. Then tell me, or tell even just yourself, why you have the faith that you do in government. (HT Dan Klein)

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Some Links

Max Gulker explains that “the DOJ’s Apple antitrust suit doesn’t add up.” A slice:

Some or all of the alleged conduct might be judged anticompetitive if the DOJ could show Apple’s intent was trapping users in its ecosystem rather than creating the ecosystem its customers want. Apple’s longtime successful branding as a “walled garden” suggests the opposite. It is difficult to envision remedies for decreasing Apple’s control over app distribution and use within the iPhone ecosystem that would not undermine the security, usability, and aesthetics many consumers prefer, which is fundamental to Apple’s competitive strategy. The DOJ’s theory rests on a “broad pattern” of exclusionary conduct because none of the specific acts clearly impose switching costs without making the iPhone ecosystem consumers have already chosen even more desirable.

Arnold Kling understands that the inequality of statism is far greater and more dangerous than are the income and wealth differences under capitalism. Two slices:

In a recent post, Matt Yglesias flatters the left by saying that it stands for equality vs. hierarchy and that its supporters are more intelligent than conservatives.

My 2010 book, the widely-unread Unchecked and Unbalanced argues against Yglesias. It says that the leftist approach to government creates inequality that far exceeds the inequality produced by the market. And it says that the power wielded by government officials far exceeds their intelligence. I suggest ways to break up the concentration of political power.

…..

While power has become more concentrated, knowledge has become more dispersed. In the economy, people are increasingly specialized. Science, medicine, and engineering have split into smaller sub-disciplines

In general, policy makers have too little knowledge relative to the high concentration of power. Consider the bills passed in Congress that run to hundreds of pages, which is more than they can read. And often the bills merely delegate power to unelected officials in government agencies.

My GMU Econ colleague Pete Boettke talks economics.

University of Florida president Ben Sasse reports that, at the University of Florida, the adults are in charge. Two slices:

At the University of Florida, we tell parents and future employers: We’re not perfect, but the adults are still in charge. Our response to threats to build encampments is driven by three basic truths.

First, universities must distinguish between speech and action. Speech is central to education. We’re in the business of discovering knowledge and then passing it, both newly learned and time-tested, to the next generation. To do that, we need to foster an environment of free thought in which ideas can be picked apart and put back together, again and again. The heckler gets no veto. The best arguments deserve the best counterarguments.

To cherish the First Amendment rights of speech and assembly, we draw a hard line at unlawful action. Speech isn’t violence. Silence isn’t violence. Violence is violence. Just as we have an obligation to protect speech, we have an obligation to keep our students safe. Throwing fists, storming buildings, vandalizing property, spitting on cops and hijacking a university aren’t speech.

…..

Young men and women with little grasp of geography or history—even recent events like the Palestinians’ rejection of President Clinton’s offer of a two-state solution—wade into geopolitics with bumper-sticker slogans they don’t understand. For a lonely subset of the anxious generation, these protest camps can become a place to find a rare taste of community. This is their stage to role-play revolution. Posting about your “allergen-free” tent on the quad is a lot easier than doing real work to uplift the downtrodden.

Universities have an obligation to combat this ignorance with rigorous teaching. Life-changing education explores alternatives, teaches the messiness of history, and questions every truth claim. Knowledge depends on healthy self-doubt and a humble willingness to question self-certainties. This is a complicated world because fallen humans are complicated. Universities must prepare their students for the reality beyond campus, where 330 million of their fellow citizens will disagree over important and divisive subjects.

Each major-party candidate for the U.S. presidency is wholly unfit – intellectually and ethically – to hold that post.

Eric Boehm is correct: Americans really are unhappy with today’s inflation.

Here’s David Henderson on the late Bob Hessen on the industrial revolution.

Vinay Prasad isn’t favorably impressed with Time‘s list of 100 of the most-influential people in health care. (HT Jay Bhattacharya)

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Quotation of the Day…

… is from page 117 of the 1947 “Crofts Classics” edition of John Stuart Mill’s 1859 On Liberty:

The mischief begins when, instead of calling forth the activity and powers of individuals and bodies, it [the government] substitutes its own activity for theirs; when, instead of informing, advising, and, upon occasion, denouncing, it makes them work in fetters, or bids them stand aside and does their work instead of them.

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Bonus Quotation of the Day…

… is from page 115 of Benn Steil’s and Manuel Hinds’s great 2009 book, Money, Markets & Sovereignty:

Development requires helping the poor find their way from farm to factory, and from factory to office, classroom, and laboratory. This requires massive investment, which in turn requires sophisticated financial intermediation. It is for this reason that the trade and financial dimensions of globalization are complementary.

DBx: Yes. And here we have yet another economic reality that is ignored by American Compass-types who decry the size of the finance sector. Such people are not merely ignorant of economics, they are naive physicalists. In their eyes, production consists chiefly in transforming matter into different combinations and shapes. Moreover, nearly all acts of transforming matter into different combinations and shapes are, in the minds of theses physicalists, ipso facto productive.

The economic ignorance that gives rise to this physicalist myth reflects primitive thinking.

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Some Links

My intrepid Mercatus Center colleague, Veronique de Rugy, is not impressed with the evidence offered by members of Congress of the alleged successes of their boondoggles.

My GMU Econ colleague Bryan Caplan makes the case for housing deregulation. A slice:

Second, building off the work of Peter Ganong and Daniel Shoag, Build, Baby, Build shows that housing regulation also reduces the upward mobility of the poor. Decades ago, when housing prices were much lower — and more nationally uniform — poor Americans had a clear path to a better life: move to a higher‐​wage part of the country. Steinbeck’s Grapes of Wrath notwithstanding, this strategy worked well. Now, however, poor Americans who try this route typically find that the extra housing cost in high‐​wage regions eats up more than 100 percent of the wage gain. Lifting yourself up by your own bootstraps is still possible, but used to be quite a bit easier.

The Wall Street Journal‘s Editorial Board decries the latest lawless power-grab by the Biden administration. A slice:

We’ve been chronicling how Biden regulators are dusting off old laws to seize more power over the private economy. Now comes the Food and Drug Administration, which on Monday redefined blood cancer, genetic and other innovative lab tests as—get this—medical devices like pacemakers.

FDA’s 528-page rule snatches authority over tests that are developed, manufactured and performed by labs. Doctors prescribe such tests to identify prenatal genetic abnormalities, predict hereditary disease risks, select therapies, diagnose infectious diseases, and more. They increasingly use algorithms and artificial intelligence.

The agency claims it has long held the authority to regulate tests under the 1976 Medical Device Amendments, which augmented its purview over diagnostic devices such as blood-glucose monitors and test materials. But lab tests aren’t devices. They are analytical processes and patient services.

No matter. The FDA will now require some 12,000 labs to submit tests for agency review.

Robby Soave is right: Despite the vileness of campus antisemitism, Congress has no business trying to restrict antisemitic speech there.

GMU Econ alum Jon Murphy explains that market concentration does not signal monopoly. A slice:

The Federal Trade Commission (FTC) recently launched an antitrust investigation into Amazon, alleging the firm had used monopoly power to suppress competition. Through the Amazon Marketplace, Amazon supposedly limits competition to promote certain sellers and brands at the expense of others. Prima facie, this complaint may make sense, but the economic understanding of a firm discussed above gives us reason to question the FTC’s argument. We must ask the question “as compared to what?” Absent Amazon Marketplace, would these sellers and their listed products exist? Amazon Marketplace reduces the cost, in both money and time, of online buyer-seller transactions. These independent sellers get access to Amazon’s platform, Amazon’s customers, Amazon’s payment handling system, and as such are able to quickly and efficiently coordinate with potential buyers. All of these transaction costs, when not subsidized by a large firm, can represent a significant hurdle to would-be sellers. By reducing transaction costs, Amazon increases the number of sellers (and buyers) in the market; they make it easier for sellers to enter the market, find buyers, and complete transactions. Thus, we see the FTC’s complaint gets things exactly backward: Amazon isn’t reducing competition. Amazon is increasing competition! Breaking up Amazon’s supposed monopoly would likely result in less competition, even if it makes the market appear to be less concentrated.

GMU Econ alum Paul Mueller chews on Florida’s ban on producing lab-grown meat.

Megan McArdle writes insightfully about campus protestors and Democratic politics. A slice:

Generations of progressive strategists have nonetheless been dazzled by visions of the enormous coalition they could build if young voters would just turn out to vote as readily as retirees do. But there’s a reason these visions keep failing to materialize. When you ask young voters what they care about most, bread-and-butter issues such as inflation, health care and jobs top the list, while progressive priorities such as climate change, student loan forgiveness and Israel-Palestine are at the bottom. Moreover, this is especially true of young voters who don’t vote regularly: “at all ages, less-engaged people are less ideological and more moderate than consistent voters,” political analyst Matt Yglesias writes.

Randy Holcombe is understandably unhappy with the TSA.

Juliette Sellgren talks with Alice Temnick about Adam Smith as educator.

Less Marx, More Mises.”

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