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OUP blurb: The era of Diocletian and Constantine is a significant period for the Roman empire, with far-reaching administrative changes that established the structure of government for three hundred years a time when the Christian church... more
OUP blurb: The era of Diocletian and Constantine is a significant period for the Roman empire, with far-reaching administrative changes that established the structure of government for three hundred years a time when the Christian church passed from persecution to imperial favour. It is also a complex period of co-operation and rivalry between a number of co-emperors, the result of Diocletian's experiment of government by four rulers (the tetrarchs). This book examines imperial government at this crucial but often neglected period of transition, through a study of the pronouncements that the emperors and their officials produced, drawing together material from a wide variety of sources: the law codes, Christian authors, inscriptions, and papyri. The study covers the format, composition, and promulgation of documents, and includes chronological catalogues of imperial letters and edicts, as well as extended discussions of the Gregorian and Hermogenian Codes, and the ambitious Prices Edict. Much of this has had little detailed coverage in English before. There is also a chapter that elucidates the relative powers of the members of the imperial college. Finally, Dr Corcoran assesses how effectively the machinery of government really matched the ambitions of the emperors. The additional notes in this revised edition of the hardback contain details of recent epigraphic work and discoveries, especially from Ephesus, as well as an account of a long ignored rescript of Diocletian.
This chapter appears in the first volume of a comprehensive treatment of 'Junian Latins' (a form of freed status for slaves under Roman law), deriving from a workshop held in Santiago de Compostela in September 2019. The volume is... more
This chapter appears in the first volume of a comprehensive treatment of 'Junian Latins' (a form of freed status for slaves under Roman law), deriving from a workshop held in Santiago de Compostela in September 2019. The volume is available as Open Access from Edinburgh University Press.
This chapter (itself based upon a contribution to the Festschrift for Detlef Liebs published in 2011) provides a survey of all explicit (and some implicit) textual references to Junian Latins from the third century AD and through the early mediaeval period as far as the revival of Justinianic law (c.AD1100). These texts comprise mostly normative legal materials, starting with the so-called "Tituli ex corpore Ulpiani", and include the Theodosian and Justinian Codes and their derivatives on into the medieval period, both east and west. There are also other items, such as occurrences in documents and glossaries. There will in addition be information on the use of the term 'dediticius', which appears along with 'Latin' in many of the same texts, and in part has a similar trajectory of transmission (both statuses being abolished by Justinian).
Barsauma’s visits to Constantinople and interactions with the emperors and their officials are key features in the later part of the narrative in the Life, that help to define Barsauma as a champion of true Orthodoxy from the... more
Barsauma’s visits to Constantinople and interactions with the emperors and their officials are key features in the later part of the narrative in the Life, that help to define Barsauma as a champion of true Orthodoxy from the non-Chalcedonian view-point. These episodes also deal with persons and events attested in other ancient evidence and so can enable us to assess the author’s sources, knowledge and intentions in managing, manipulating, or even inventing his material. For the purposes of this study, I presume that the sections about Barsauma and the emperors have a single author, and side-step any debates about interpolated or revised chapters. My analysis is divided into three sections. In the first I discuss the relations between Barsauma and Theodosius II (r. 402-450), in particular the Barsauma letters issued in the context of the Second Council of Ephesus. In the second, I discuss the contrasting situation of relations between Barsauma and the court and officials of Marcian (r. 450-457) and his wife, Pulcheria (Augusta 414-453), and the events surrounding the Council of Chalcedon. The final section is much briefer, considering the the Life’s unusual view of Valentinian III (r. 425-455). I pass over another imperial, the Augusta Eudocia, since she appears with a rather different role in a distinct part of the Life concerning Barsauma’s interactions with the Jews in the Holy Land, which episodes are well discussed in Drijver’s chapter elsewhere in the volume.
This essay illustrates changes in official epigraphy in the later Roman empire, principally through the prism of the physical remains of public pronouncements, which remained prominent in the urban landscape until the epigraphic collapse... more
This essay illustrates changes in official epigraphy in the later Roman empire, principally through the prism of the physical remains of public pronouncements, which remained prominent in the urban landscape until the epigraphic collapse of the seventh century. While the emperor and his officials appear more proactive, this does not entirely replace the impetus of petitioners, although the civic prominence of the Principate comes to be supplanted by ecclesiastical participation. Imperial titulature remains conservative for a long time, but there are subtle shifts from Constantine onwards, even if Christianization only becomes fully explicit in the sixth century. Finally, Greek comes to dominate, with only vestigial Latin.
Cet article examine la façon dont Maxence a tenté de s’ériger en véritable empereur romain, installé à Rome alors même qu’il tentait de s’insérer dans le nouveau monde de la tétrarchie de son temps. Pour ce faire, sont évaluées aussi bien... more
Cet article examine la façon dont Maxence a tenté de s’ériger en véritable empereur romain, installé à Rome alors même qu’il tentait de s’insérer dans le nouveau monde de la tétrarchie de son temps. Pour ce faire, sont évaluées aussi bien les relations de Maxence avec le Sénat, l’église chrétienne, le peuple romain et les soldats, que sa stratégie politique telle qu’elle peut être comprise à travers les vestiges archéologiques ambigus des monuments contemporains ou encore les regalia récemment découvertes. L’installation de l’empereur à Rome a offert à ce dernier une certaine légitimité idéologique et ouvert des opportunités ; mais elle a également mis en évidence des faiblesses stratégiques significatives qui ont montré que Rome devenait désormais une résidence incommode et impropre pour les empereurs du ive siècle, puisque la présence de l’empereur dans la Ville devenait problématique pour les deux parties.

This paper examines the ways in which Maxentius attempted to establish himself as a truly Roman emperor, while based in Rome herself, even as he also engaged with the new world of the contemporary tetrarchs. Maxentius's relationship with the Senate, the Christians, the Roman people and the soldiers are all assessed, as also what can be understood of his policies from the ambiguous archaeology of contemporary buildings and even the recently discovered ‘regalia’. Being based in Rome provided him with some ideological strengths and opportunities, but also significant strategic weaknesses, that revealed Rome to be at once an unsuitable and an unnecessary seat for the emperors of the fourth century, while the proximity of emperor and city proved to be uncomfortable for both.
This volume is based upon papers given at the workshop held at the University of Muenster in April 2015.
This paper, reflecting Fergus Millar’s work on linguistic and cultural diversity in the Roman empire, surveys the evolving relationship of Latin and Greek as languages for Roman law. Normative texts remained predominantly Latin until the... more
This paper, reflecting Fergus Millar’s work on linguistic and cultural diversity in the Roman empire, surveys the evolving relationship of Latin and Greek as languages for Roman law. Normative texts remained predominantly Latin until the completion of Justinian’s codification (534), even though that was a genuinely bilingual product. However, following the already existing pattern in the Greek east, a vast corpus of Greek materials was then quickly created to teach the codification in the official law schools. Designed to aid engagement with the source-texts, these ended up superseding them. Roman legal Greek, a mixture of Latin terminology plus standardized Greek vocabulary, became stabilized. After 534, new legislation was most often in Greek, necessitating parallel Latin materials to help Latin-speaking students, although sixth-century collections of Novels (“new laws”) were still bilingual. In practice, however, in most of Justinian’s empire, a lawyer (such as Dioscorus of Aphrodito) could function with limited Latin. Soon Roman law would bifurcate into two monolingual traditions, Greek in the east, Latin in the west.
This article publishes one of two surviving folios of an 11th century manuscript of the Justinian Code (Würzburg Universitätsbibliothek M.p.j.f.m.2), which represents a southern Italian tradition of copying intact Codes, soon to be... more
This article publishes one of two surviving folios of an 11th century manuscript of the Justinian Code (Würzburg Universitätsbibliothek M.p.j.f.m.2), which represents a southern Italian tradition of copying intact Codes, soon to be abandoned. The folio is the earliest known witness to the text of Justinian’s constitutions re-establishing Roman rule in Africa (CJ 1, 27, 1-2). It provides the fullest evidence for the subscript of CJ 1, 27, 1, showing that its date of issue was 1st April 534. For one textual crux, the correct identification of the seven provinces of the new prefecture, the manuscript provides only indirect evidence. However, the author here argues that there were separate provinces of Zeugitana and Carthage, but only a single province of Mauretania (Caesariensis). The manuscript often confirms Krüger’s editorial choices for his CJ editions (1877). In particular, it is remarkably accurate in its transmission of the numerals in the notitia of civil offices and salaries. However, some confused passages, mirrored also in the other witnesses, show that the textual tradition must have been corrupted at an early date. The article ends by providing a transcription of the folio with an apparatus criticus and an English translation.
This is the translation of the first twenty titles of Book Six of the Codex of Justinian as revised from Blume's version by Simon Corcoran, with input from Michael Crawford and Benet Salway. The remaining titles of Book Six were prepared... more
This is the translation of the first twenty titles of Book Six of the Codex of Justinian as revised from Blume's version by Simon Corcoran, with input from Michael Crawford and Benet Salway. The remaining titles of Book Six were prepared by Bruce Frier, Dennis Kehoe and Thomas McGinn.
This chapter gives a brief introductory history of the Codex of Justinian divided under the following headings: Justinian, the man and his projects; Justinian’s legal policy 528-534; the making of the Codex, the sources – types of... more
This chapter gives a brief introductory history of the Codex of Justinian divided under the following headings: Justinian, the man and his projects; Justinian’s legal policy 528-534; the making of the Codex, the sources – types of imperial constitution – editorial practice – shape and organization; the life of the Codex in the Empire; the life of the Codex in the early medieval West; the revivification of the Codex in the eleventh century; the medieval Vulgate and the Bologna School; humanism and the beginnings of textual criticism; towards the modern Codex edition; the nature of Krüger’s editions; Appendix - the manuscripts [listing the early manuscripts from the sixth century to c.1100].
The volume, in which this chapter appears, is based upon a colloquium "Ravenna: its significance in European culture", held at the Senate House, London, in June 2013.
This article seeks to show how imperial legislation promoting religious conformity, whether by preventing or imposing religious beliefs or practices, developed from the time of the Decian persecution down to the comprehensive anti‐pagan... more
This article seeks to show how imperial legislation promoting religious conformity, whether by preventing or imposing religious beliefs or practices, developed from the time of the Decian persecution down to the comprehensive anti‐pagan enactments of Justinian. The main focus is on the relationship of Christians with pagans and Jews. In particular, attention is paid to the rapid changes of imperial perspective during the period of the Great Persecution, its relaxation, and Constantineʹs adoption of Christianity.
Hincmar is notable for citing Roman legal texts more extensively than his contemporaries. However, the range of sources available to him was limited, mostly deriving from the tradition of the Breviary of Alaric, especially in a form... more
Hincmar is notable for citing Roman legal texts more extensively than his contemporaries. However, the range of sources available to him was limited, mostly deriving from the tradition of the Breviary of Alaric, especially in a form augmented by religious material from Theodosian Code Book 16. Much of this material was mediated through two of his “working” manuscripts (Berlin SB Phillipps 1741 and its derivative BN Par. Lat. 12445), whose contents reflect two active periods of collecting and use, the later 850s and 868-871. The other significant source in the latter period was Julian’s Epitome of the Novels, the principle way Justinianic law was known in the early mediaeval west.  For Hincmar, the Roman legal materials were always less important than Biblical or canonical texts, often gaining status only as being laws the church had approved. Further, except where encapsulating church privilege, the substantive law of Rome generally mattered less than its procedural rules, which were key tools in legal disputes, as in that with Hincmar of Laon. Finally, although eschewing the Isidorian forgery tradition, Hincmar was canny at selective quotation to suit his purposes, even to the extent of minor textual emendation.
Correspondence was a vital feature of the Roman Empire’s government. The emperor’s letters could become a potent tool of interest to more than just their original recipients or addressees, and many of them therefore came to enjoy a long... more
Correspondence was a vital feature of the Roman Empire’s government. The emperor’s letters could become a potent tool of interest to more than just their original recipients or addressees, and many of them therefore came to enjoy a long and varied afterlife, especially in the form of Roman law codices in which most of the available sources survive. This chapter analyzes these streams of tradition as well as the basic mechanisms of Roman state communication.
The chapter appears in the volume produced from two collaborative workshops held at UCL (April 2011, July 2012), as part of the project "Mechanisms of Communication in an Ancient Empire: The Correspondence between the King of Assyria and his Magnates in the 8th C. BC".
The Gregorian and Hermogenian Codes do not survive and so have to be imagined from their remains recycled into other late antique legal works, in particular the Justinian Code. Additional illumination may also be provided if the recent... more
The Gregorian and Hermogenian Codes do not survive and so have to be imagined from their remains recycled into other late antique legal works, in particular the Justinian Code. Additional illumination may also be provided if the recent identification of some fragments (Fragmenta Londiniensia Anteiustiniana) as coming from the Gregorian Code is correct. From the various sources, it is clear that the Hermogenian Code consisted almost solely of private rescripts issued by Diocletian and his colleagues in the two years 293 and 294, while the Gregorian Code, consisting mainly but not only of private rescripts, covered the period from Hadrian up to some point in the 290s. Both were arranged thematically under titles (the Gregorianus also in Books), further developing principles of organization from earlier juristic collections, that had brought together both praetorian and non-praetorian legal topics. The two codes were also probably the first legal works to appear in the new “codex” rather than roll format. While the Hermogenian Code was produced by a jurist prominent at Diocletian’s court from texts he himself wrote in the emperors’ names, it is not certain that this was so for the Gregorianus, of whose compiler we know nothing. Nor are the publication dates and relative sequence of the two codes clear, although both must have appeared by c.300. There is no evidence that either existed in more than one formal edition. Whether or not sponsored by Diocletian, the codes mark two important features of Diocletian’s reign. First, they disseminated more widely than ever before a huge range of imperial legal rulings in a coherent and ordered way, serving the needs of not only the state (officials and governors) and professionals (advocates, law-teachers), but also of a citizen population, nominally Roman, but still unfamiliar with Roman legal norms, and eager for any legal advantage. Secondly, the codes mark the supersession of earlier authoritative forms of law-making or exposition (lex, senatus consultum, juristic writing) and demonstrate the emperor’s dominance in the creation and interpretation of normative legal texts.
The Caesariani were officials of the res privata, against whose corrupt excesses several laws of the late third and early fourth centuries were directed. Most of the few such laws in the Theodosian Code are attributed to Constantine and... more
The Caesariani were officials of the res privata, against whose corrupt excesses several laws of the late third and early fourth centuries were directed. Most of the few such laws in the Theodosian Code are attributed to Constantine and appear part of his consistent policy of controlling fiscal abuses. However, there survive also various epigraphic texts on the same subjects. Not only are they unusual as long Latin pronouncements erected in the Greek East, but they are among the very few such texts present in multiple copies and found at overlapping sites. The only dating information they give and other correlations between them suggest that they were issued in the summer of 305 by Galerius and actively promulgated as a coherent dossier in his portion of the empire. One of these texts, the Edictum de Accusationibus, is also attested in the Theodosian Code (IX, 5, 1), attributed to Constantine in 314. Inconsistencies in the Code details and the correct interpretation of the epigraphic evidence mean that both date and emperor as given in the Code must be rejected. This serves to remind us of the problems of relying so much upon the Theodosian Code. Thus there survives much legislation of Constantine, but little of Galerius due to a large lacuna in our evidence for the period prior to 313, the start-date of the Theodosian Code. Further, because of the corruptions and confusions already present in the material and the subsequent editorial decisions of the Theodosian commissioners, the texts that appear in the Code, especially their headings and subscripts, may be extremely unreliable.
This article gives a preliminary account of seventeen small parchment fragments, which have been the subject of detailed study by members of the team of the Projet Volterra since the end of 2009. The fragments have been identified as... more
This article gives a preliminary account of seventeen small parchment fragments, which have been the subject of detailed study by members of the team of the Projet Volterra since the end of 2009. The fragments have been identified as coming from a legal text in Latin, indeed possibly all from the same page, written in a fifth-century uncial book-hand, but with some numeration and glosses in Greek. The fragments contain part of a rubricated title, as well as the headings and subscripts to several imperial rescripts of third-century emperors (Caracalla, Gordian III and the Philips are explicitly named), organized in a broadly chronological sequence without intervening commentary. Three rescripts overlap with texts known from the Justinian Code (C.7.62.3, 4, and 7). It is argued here that the work in the fragments is from neither the first nor second editions of the Justinian Code, nor from a juristic miscellany (similar to the Fragmenta Vaticana, Lex Dei, or Consultatio). Despite the appar­ently anomalous presence of a tetrarchic rescript (otherwise typi­cally attributed to the Hermogenian Code), the conclusion is that these fragments most plausibly represent the only known remains of a manuscript of the lost Gregorian Code. An appendix gives some sample texts, including all the material overlapping with the Justinian Code.
The First Edition of Justinian’s Code appeared in 529, modelled on the Theodosian Code (438) and two earlier codes, the Gregorianus and Hermogenianus (290s). These two latter do not survive, but as compilations of imperial constitutions... more
The First Edition of Justinian’s Code appeared in 529, modelled on the Theodosian Code (438) and two earlier codes, the Gregorianus and Hermogenianus (290s). These two latter do not survive, but as compilations of imperial constitutions collected into the then new-style codex, ordered by book, thematic title and then chronological order, they set the pattern for the later imperial codes, even though bearing the names of their authors, who were the heirs of the classical jurists. Justinian’s Code built on these foundations, but also both subsumed and superseded the existing codes. However, major legal changes after 529 meant that a Second Edition, the one which survives today, had to be produced in 534. Although some differences between the two codes can be deduced from the later one alone, only P. Oxy. 1814, a papyrus index for part of Book I of the First Edition, enables explicit comparison. This reveals important details about the processes of addition, deletion, substitution and relocation of constitutions. Although Justinian continued to legislate after 534, he never again attempted to integrate the new into the old, as he had done so ambitiously in the early years of his reign.
This article republishes a parchment fragment of a Greek ecclesiastical work written in a late fifth-century biblical majuscule script that had resisted previous attempts to identify it. Comparison with a surviving version in Syriac... more
This article republishes a parchment fragment of a Greek ecclesiastical work written in a late fifth-century biblical majuscule script that had resisted previous attempts to identify it. Comparison with a surviving version in Syriac demonstrates that the fragment should be identified as the sole surviving witness to the original Greek text of the fourth- or fifth-century work of the church order type known as the 'Testament of Our Lord Jesus Christ' (Testamentum Domini nostri lesu Christi).
Seeking to correct the misleading account in the Dictionary of National Biography, this article reassesses the academic career of Alexander Falconer Murison, 1847-1934 (Professor of Roman Law, UCL, 1883-1925) by careful use of both his... more
Seeking to correct the misleading account in the Dictionary of National Biography, this article reassesses the academic career of Alexander Falconer Murison, 1847-1934 (Professor of Roman Law, UCL, 1883-1925) by careful use of both his published Memoirs (1935) and his papers held at UCL. His principal scholarly work for some 30 years from 1897 concerned the Greek lecture-course on Justinian’s Institutes (known as the Paraphrasis) attributed to the antecessor, Theophilus. Having translated the work into English, he was unwilling to publish it before revising the Greek text, a task he never finished, despite extensive and careful engagement with the editions and manuscripts, being hampered by a combination of insufficient resources and self-doubt. He never published a word about Theophilus in his lifetime, his principal output of work on antiquity being translations of some of the classical poets. Only in 2010 was his Theophilus translation published as a parallel text to accompany the new Groningen edition of the Paraphrasis.
P. Oxy. XV 1814 provides the most direct evidence for the contents of the First Edition of the Justinian Code (the Novus Codex of 529). Providing the basis for a comparison with the Second Edition (the Codex repetitae praelectionis of... more
P. Oxy. XV 1814 provides the most direct evidence for the contents of the First Edition of the Justinian Code (the Novus Codex of 529). Providing the basis for a comparison with the Second Edition (the Codex repetitae praelectionis of 534), it reveals how in the later edition material was added, removed, replaced, and relocated. In particular, the papyrus throws light on imperial policy towards the pagans from its presentation of material under CJ 1.11 (On Pagans, Sacrifices, and Temples). Thus CJ(2 ed.) 1.11.9 = CJ(1 ed.) 1.11.10 is shown to have been issued by Anastasius, a fact often overlooked by scholars, since it is not reflected in Krüger’s standard Code edition. It is argued here that a convincing context for this anti-pagan measure can be found in the aftermath of the Brytae riots of 502. The traditional association between CJ(2 ed.) 1.11.10 and the ending of pagan philosophical teaching in Athens is affirmed, with the law dated to the late summer/autumn of 529, coinciding with Tribonian taking control of legal policy. Finally, it is in the detailed anti-pagan measures of CJ(2 ed.) 1.11.10 that the reasons for the deletion of CJ(1 ed.) 1.11.1 (absent from the Second Edition) can be found. This mysterious constitution should not be associated with Constantine’s missing law against sacrifice, but was probably a measure protective of pagans in some way and so most likely a private rescript of a pre-Christian emperor deriving from the Gregorian Code.
This article publishes the two surviving folios from an eleventh century manuscript of an unabbreviated Justinian Code (Carte Vallicelliane XII.3), covering CJ 7.64.2-9 and 7.71.8.4-7.72.6, and providing eleven new or revised subscripts... more
This article publishes the two surviving folios from an eleventh century manuscript of an unabbreviated Justinian Code (Carte Vallicelliane XII.3), covering CJ 7.64.2-9 and 7.71.8.4-7.72.6, and providing eleven new or revised subscripts for the rescripts therein.
This article summarises details of manuscripts identified since the standard 1877 edition of the Justinian Code and containing additions to or revisions of headings and subscripts. The manuscripts are: P. Oxy. XV 1814 (CJ 1.11.1-1.16.11... more
This article summarises details of manuscripts identified since the standard 1877 edition of the Justinian Code and containing additions to or revisions of headings and subscripts. The manuscripts are: P. Oxy. XV 1814 (CJ 1.11.1-1.16.11 [first edition]), MS Cologne GB Kasten B no. 130 (CJ 3.32.4-12), PSI XIII 1347 (CJ 7.16.41-7.17.1), P. Rein. Inv. 2219 (fragments of CJ 12.59.10-12.62.4), MS Würzburg Universitätsbibliothek M.p.j.f.m.2 (CJ 1.27.1.36-1.27.2.16 and 2.43.3-2.51.2), MS Stuttgart, Württemb. Staatsbibl. Cod. fragm. 62 (CJ 4.20.12-21.11).
This article analyses what the papyrus index (P. Oxy. XV 1814) to part of Book 1 of the first edition of the Justinian Code (529) can tell us about the nature of and differences between the two editions of that code.
This identifies the previously unnoticed heading to the Prices Edict at Stratonicea (Caria) as the abbreviated formula: E(xemplum) S(acrarum) L(itterarum).
The first part of the paper identifies a fragment of papyrus in Latin from Antinoopolis (PSI XIII 1346) as part of Justinian’s Novel 62, and discusses the significance of this for the dissemination of Justinian’s legislation and in... more
The first part of the paper identifies a fragment of papyrus in Latin from Antinoopolis (PSI XIII 1346) as part of Justinian’s Novel 62, and discusses the significance of this for the dissemination of Justinian’s legislation and in particular the fate of Latin in the sixth-century empire. The second part gives a summary account of the history of The Park, Nottingham (the current residence of the honorand), the former royal hunting ground next to the Castle, which was developed by the Dukes of Newcastle-under-Lyne as an important residential suburb for the affluent middle classes in the nineteenth century. It highlights, in particular, how the timing and pattern of development were contingent on the accident of the 4th Duke’s political and economic circumstances.
The tetrarchic era is well known for the survival of imperial pronouncements inscribed in Latin in the Greek east, especially for texts found in multiple copies, which are rare before, but occur nine times between 301 and 362. This... more
The tetrarchic era is well known for the survival of imperial pronouncements inscribed in Latin in the Greek east, especially for texts found in multiple copies, which are rare before, but occur nine times between 301 and 362. This article concentrates on four of these texts: the First Caesariani Decree of 305, the letter on the Caesariani, the Edictum de Accusationibus (usually attributed to either Constantine or Licinius in 314 or 320), and the Second Caesariani Decree. The argument is that these four texts actually represent a single interrelated dossier of three pronouncements issued by Galerius in the summer of 305 and rests on the following points. 1] These texts, which are thematically complementary, occur at multiple overlapping sites, where they also share physical similarities. 2] The only explicit epigraphic dating is to 305 in the First Decree, for which the Caesariani letter is in fact the preamble, and with which the Edictum de Accusationibus should also be associated via the Padua inscription (CIL V, 2781), further confirmed if the Corcyra text of 305/6 is a copy of the Edictum (AÉp, 2002, 1302). The Theodosian Code (CTh IX, 5, 1) dating evidence is unreliable and should be disregarded. 3] The similarities in the concluding formulae of the Edictum and Second Caesariani Decree suggest that the Edictum was promulgated along with another edict (the Second Decree) and a letter (the First Decree). The dossier, therefore, consists of an edict of indulgence restoring property held by the fiscus, a letter to the praetorian prefects quashing abusive fiscal claims and monitoring them more closely in the future, and a general edict regulating and limiting the bringing of accusations, criminal or fiscal. Overall, the dossier displays a concern for protecting innocent provincials and their property against abuses perpetrated by imperial financial officials such as the Caesariani. The context for this dossier in the summer of 305 is highly appropriate, coming shortly after Galerius became Augustus and while he was plotting to assume control of the imperial college following the imminently expected demise of Constantius. The association of some other epigraphic multiple texts (e.g. the Prices Edict) with Galerius’s sphere of influence further suggests that this phenomenon is a mark of Galerius’s own style of government and not a general feature of the period.
A recently published inscription from Heraclea Sintica in Macedonia (AE 2002.1293) gives full and detailed titulature for Galerius and Maximinus, dating to Dec. 307/Apr. 308. Among other things, this titulature confirms that Galerius... more
A recently published inscription from Heraclea Sintica in Macedonia (AE 2002.1293) gives full and detailed titulature for Galerius and Maximinus, dating to Dec. 307/Apr. 308. Among other things, this titulature confirms that Galerius initially counted his imperatorial iterations from his accession as Augustus in 305, and probably not until 310 did he back-date them to his appointment as Caesar in 293. It also provides the first clear evidence for a victory title borne by a Caesar between 305 and 324, even if the basis for the assumption of “Sarmaticus” by Maximinus is unclear. Overall, it gives a clear snapshot of the state of the “legitimate” imperial college, with only two members, between Galerius’s failed invasion of Italy (Sept. 307) and the Carnuntum conference (Nov. 308).
This is the introduction for a set of papers from the Volterra Colloquium held at the Institute of Classical Studies, Senate House, London in March 2004. The Projet Volterra was established in honour of the memory of the Roman lawyer... more
This is the introduction for a set of papers from the Volterra Colloquium held at the Institute of Classical Studies, Senate House, London in March 2004. The Projet Volterra was established in honour of the memory of the Roman lawyer Edoardo Volterra (1904-1984) and its overall aim is to promote the study of Roman law in its full social, political and legal context. Phase one of the British contribution to this aim, entitled ‘Law and Empire’, has produced an on-line searchable database with supporting information of all laws issued by Roman emperors between 193 and 455. A second phase, entitled ‘Law and the End of Empire, commenced in 2005 and seeks to examine the fate of Roman law from the fifth century down to the Carolingian period. Both phases of the project are based in the Department of History at University College London (http://www.ucl.ac.uk/volterra/).
Re-edition and English translation of the will of Vincent, bishop of Huesca, ancient Osca, (c.576) and of the earlier deed of gift made by him in favour of the monastery of Asán in 551. These document the socio-economic structures of the... more
Re-edition and English translation of the will of Vincent, bishop of Huesca, ancient Osca, (c.576) and of the earlier deed of gift made by him in favour of the monastery of Asán in 551. These document the socio-economic structures of the Pyrenean region of modern Huesca in the Visigothic period.
This article identifies the second of two fragmentary imperial pronouncements in CIL III 578 (Corcyra) as coming from the opening of the so-called Accusations Edict (otherwise known from the law codes and several other inscriptions). The... more
This article identifies the second of two fragmentary imperial pronouncements in CIL III 578 (Corcyra) as coming from the opening of the so-called Accusations Edict (otherwise known from the law codes and several other inscriptions). The heading here clearly identifies the issuers as the imperial college of the Second Tetrarchy (Constantius, Galerius, Severus, Maximinus) in 305/6. This differs significantly from previous interpretations, which have attributed the edict to Constantine or Licinius in 314 or 320.
This article re-edits an inscription from Lappa (Inscriptiones Creticae II 16.34) and identifies it as coming from the so-called First Caesariani Decree, known from several other epigraphic copies [Athens, Ephesus, Padua, Tlos], issued by... more
This article re-edits an inscription from Lappa (Inscriptiones Creticae II 16.34) and identifies it as coming from the so-called First Caesariani Decree, known from several other epigraphic copies [Athens, Ephesus, Padua, Tlos], issued by Galerius in the summer of 305.
This article argues that a constitution attributed to Diocletian and Maximian in a canon law ms from Paris (BN Par. Lat. 3858C), but to Justinian in four Justinian Code mss, and excluded from the main edition of the Code currently used by... more
This article argues that a constitution attributed to Diocletian and Maximian in a canon law ms from Paris (BN Par. Lat. 3858C), but to Justinian in four Justinian Code mss, and excluded from the main edition of the Code currently used by scholars, is a genuine tetrarchic rescript. It prevents the incest-born (not previously penalised under Roman law), from holding judicial or other posts, unless these incurred burdensome obligations, reflecting imperial concerns over demarcations of rank and performance of civic duties, but also Diocletian’s emphasis on traditional Roman morality. The addressee is probably a governor of some eastern province, in which Roman law and local practice clashed. The language suits a third-century rescript, although some wording may represent Justinianic re-editing. With no apparent influence on later legislation, its textual history is uncertain, but the Paris text with its Diocletianic attribution should represent a line of transmission superior to the other copies.
This article identifies the Modestos mentioned at Hero, Stereometrica 2.54 as the praetorian prefect, Domitius Modestus, who held office 369-377. It also suggests that book 2 of the Stereometrica must have been put into its current form... more
This article identifies the Modestos mentioned at Hero, Stereometrica 2.54 as the praetorian prefect, Domitius Modestus, who held office 369-377. It also suggests that book 2 of the Stereometrica must have been put into its current form not long afterwards, and certainly by the mid-fifth century.
This article argues that the unit price for marble in Diocletian's Prices Edict is not based upon the cubic foot, but represents a square measure for veneer.
This paper appears in a volume of papers deriving from the Theodosian Code Conference held at St. Andrews, July 1990. The volume was reprinted (2010) with an new preface, but otherwise unchanged. A revised version of the paper appeared in... more
This paper appears in a volume of papers deriving from the Theodosian Code Conference held at St. Andrews, July 1990. The volume was reprinted (2010) with an new preface, but otherwise unchanged. A revised version of the paper appeared in ch. 7 of "The Empire of the Tetrarchs" (1996) @ pp. 274-292.
Note that the attribution of the Caesariani dossier, including the "Edictum de Accusationibus", to Galerius by myself (Antiquite Tardive 15 (2007) and elsewhere) has rendered redundant one of the key aspects of my original discussion of Licinius's legislation.
Nine entries in O. Nicholson (ed.), The Oxford Dictionary of Late Antiquity (Oxford, 2018): ‘Collatio Legum Romanarum et Mosaicarum’ (p. 171a), ‘Consultatio Veteris Cujusdam Jurisconsulti’ (pp. 408b-409a), ‘Diocletian’ (pp. 485b-487a),... more
Nine entries in O. Nicholson (ed.), The Oxford Dictionary of Late Antiquity (Oxford, 2018): ‘Collatio Legum Romanarum et Mosaicarum’ (p. 171a), ‘Consultatio Veteris Cujusdam Jurisconsulti’ (pp. 408b-409a), ‘Diocletian’ (pp. 485b-487a), ‘Fragmenta Londiniensia Anteiustiniana’ (p. 609b), ‘Fragmenta Vaticana’ (pp. 609b-610a), ‘Law of Citations’ (p. 889a-b), ‘Paul, Sententiae of’ (p. 1147b), ‘Prices Edict, Tetrarchic’ (p. 1229a-b), ‘Zenophilus, Domitius’ (pp. 1609b-1610a).
Research Interests:
Keywords:Classics;Justice;Sources and EvidenceClassics;Justice;Sources and Evidence
The Codex Gregorianus and Codex Hermogenianus were collections of imperial rescripts compiled in the reign of Diocletian.Keywords:Late Antiquity;legal history;Roman historyLate Antiquity;legal history;Roman history
The purpose of this piece is to suggest approaches for giving a balanced assessment of the genesis and application of legislation, as we consider the interaction of imperial power with pagan festivals and Hellenic culture. I therefore... more
The purpose of this piece is to suggest approaches for giving a balanced assessment of the genesis and application of legislation, as we consider the interaction of imperial power with pagan festivals and Hellenic culture. I therefore offer here general observations about the interpretation of imperial texts, especially in the light of the forms in which they survive, illustrated by an examination of one particular title " On Pagans, Sacrifices and Temples " , present in all three imperial codes of the V/VI centuries.
This paper seeks to draw a contrast between Rome and Ravenna around the year 1000 in their knowledge and use of Justinianic and pre-Justinianic texts. Consideration is given to the copying and compilation of normative texts, both the... more
This paper seeks to draw a contrast between Rome and Ravenna around the year 1000 in their knowledge and use of Justinianic and pre-Justinianic texts. Consideration is given to the copying and compilation of normative texts, both the Justinianic corpus itself and other Roman-based miscellanies (Summa Perusina, Collectio Gaudenziana), and to their use in charters and court-hearings. Although Rome and Ravenna shared a strong notarial tradition deriving ultimately from the Byzantine reconquest Italy, they also demonstrate distinctions in the dynamism of their engagement with this legacy during the period of Ottonian renovatio.
This poster explores the possibility that two milestones from Heraclea-Perinthus in Turkish Thrace (AE 1998.1180-1) commemorate Diocletian as divus shortly after his death c.312. If so, they provide almost the only contemporary... more
This poster explores the possibility that two milestones from Heraclea-Perinthus in Turkish Thrace (AE 1998.1180-1) commemorate Diocletian as divus shortly after his death c.312. If so, they provide almost the only contemporary attestation of his apotheosis.
A joint workshop between the REDHIS (REDiscovering the HIdden Structure) project at Pavia and the "Projet Volterra" in London, held at UCL, on 4 and 5 December 2015.
Volterra sessions at the LEEDS IMC 6-9 July, 2015 “The Roman legal heritage between continuity and reformation in the tenth and eleventh centuries” During the eleventh century there was an explosion of interest in and use of Roman law... more
Volterra sessions at the LEEDS IMC 6-9 July, 2015
“The Roman legal heritage between continuity and reformation in the tenth and eleventh centuries”

During the eleventh century there was an explosion of interest in and use of Roman law and the Justinianic codification, which led in due course to the establishment of a pre-eminent law school at Bologna and the canonization of the Vulgate text in the twelfth century. How and why this happened when and where it did, and what was the nature of the existing legal and intellectual world out of which this could occur are key questions of medieval scholarship.

The Volterra Roman law project at UCL is sponsoring two sessions at the Leeds IMC 2015 on the theme of the Roman legal heritage on the cusp of this development in the tenth and eleventh centuries. The papers of the first session (Session 712: Tuesday, 7 July 2015, 14.15-15.45; Magali Coumert, Michael Crawford, Tammo Wallinga) focus specifically the manuscript tradition of the Theodosian and Justinianic collections and their derivatives. Those of the second session (Session 812: Tuesday, 7 July 2015, 16.30-18.00: Simon Corcoran, Leidulf Melve, Piotr Alexandrowicz) focus specifically on the knowledge and exploitation of Roman law in secular and ecclesiastical collections, the use or manipulation of Roman law in legal disputes or documents in lay and ecclesiastical contexts, and the existence or nature of legal expertise or specialization during this period.

Leeds IMC: http://www.leeds.ac.uk/ims/imc
"20-22 June, Dept. of History, UCL. Two AHRC-funded research projects have over the last decade formed a substantial part of the research of the Department of History, UCL, in the areas of antiquity and the early Middle Ages: the Projet... more
"20-22 June, Dept. of History, UCL.
Two AHRC-funded research projects have over the last decade formed a substantial part of the research of the Department of History, UCL, in the areas of antiquity and the early Middle Ages: the Projet Volterra, Law, Empire and after, AD 193-1076; and the Lexicon of Festus.  Among the aims of the first is to promote the study of Roman law and its afterlife in a full social, political, legal and intellectual context, particularly by the analysis of the transmission of legal understanding; of the second to make the mass of information in the Lexicon available to researchers in a useable form, and to stimulate debate on Festus’ own work, on the antiquarian tradition from which he was drawing and on the subsequent history of the text.

As it has turned out, much of the achievement of both projects has been to show that the current scholarly consensus on large parts of the textual tradition of both bodies of material is mistaken; and it has become apparent that work on Festus in the Carolingian period forms an essential part of the story of the transmission of a knowledge of Roman law.  In particular, the Projet Volterra has identified what are probably fragments of the Codex Gregorianus and shown in the case of the Fragmenta Vallicelliana that the transmission of the Codex Justinianus is much more complicated than generally thought; and the Lexicon of Festus project has identified further material in the incunabula of the Epitome of Paul that probably derives from Festus and shown that the current view of the relationship between the apographs of the Farnese manuscript and the editio princeps is certainly wrong.

At the same time, research undertaken by Dr Gutierrez and Professor Calboli in Bologna and by Dr Boumis and Professor De Nonno in Rome has made major advances in renewing our understanding of the study of Festus in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries; and the debate started by the work of Charles Radding and Antonio Ciaralli on the history of Roman law in the Middle Ages shows no signs of subsiding, with crucial ongoing work by Wolfgang Kaiser.
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Handout from a brief presentation at the annual Graduate Student Forum of the Society for Neo-Latin Studies, held at Merton College, Oxford (10 March 2016).
Research Interests:
Maciej Jońca and Simon Corcoran interview conducted during SIHDA in Edinburgh (Sept. 2019).
Melvyn Bragg chairs a discussion on Justinian's codification and its legacy with Caroline Humfress, Paul du Plessis and Simon Corcoran. You can listen to the broadcast, or download the slightly longer podcast, that includes some... more
Melvyn Bragg chairs a discussion on Justinian's codification and its legacy with Caroline Humfress, Paul du Plessis and Simon Corcoran. You can listen to the broadcast, or download the slightly longer podcast, that includes some additional discussion recorded immediately after the programme.
http://www.cambridge.org/us/academic/subjects/classical-studies/ancient-history/codex-justinian-new-annotated-translation-parallel-latin-and-greek-text?format=WX :

The Codex of Justinian is, together with the Digest, the core of the great Byzantine compilation of Roman law called the Corpus Iuris Civilis. The Codex compiles legal proclamations issued by Roman emperors from the second to the sixth centuries CE. Its influence on subsequent legal development in the medieval and early modern world has been almost incalculable. But the Codex has not, until now, been credibly translated into English. This translation, with a facing Latin and Greek text (from Paul Krüger's ninth edition of the Codex), is based on one made by Justice Fred H. Blume in the 1920s, but left unpublished for almost a century. It is accompanied by introductions explaining the background of the translation, a bibliography and glossary, and notes that help in understanding the text. Anyone with an interest in the Codex, whether an interested novice or a professional historian, will find ample assistance here.

    The first authoritative English translation of the Codex of Justinian, one of the central documents of the Western legal tradition
    Provides explanatory material through extensive introductions, a glossary, and thorough annotation, making it easier to understand the often arcane details of Roman private and administrative law
    Provides facing Latin and Greek texts for the benefit of expert scholars
Research Interests:
Letter with poems published in History Today
Bibliographic listing, compiled jointly with John Davies.
Bibliographic listing, compiled jointly with John Davies.
Bibliographic listing, compiled jointly with John Davies.
"De legibus novellis ad Theodosianum pertinentibus. Promulgation, réception, compilation des novelles post-théodosienne - Promulgation, Reception, Compilation of the Post-Theodosian Novels". Co-organized with Pierre Jaillette (Université... more
"De legibus novellis ad Theodosianum pertinentibus. Promulgation, réception, compilation des novelles post-théodosienne - Promulgation, Reception, Compilation of the Post-Theodosian Novels". Co-organized with Pierre Jaillette (Université de Lille - SHS), with the collaboration of Stephane Benoist (Université de Lille - SHS), Benet Salway (University College London) and Simon Corcoran (Newcastle University).
Research Interests:
La conversion du monde antique au christianisme ne modifia pas la position centrale du Prince au sein de son État. Loin de remettre en cause les fondements traditionnels du pouvoir, la nouvelle religion offrit des arguments... more
La conversion du monde antique au christianisme ne modifia pas la position centrale du Prince au sein de son État. Loin de remettre en cause les fondements traditionnels du pouvoir, la nouvelle religion offrit des arguments supplémentaires pour légitimer le souverain dans la mesure où il incarnait et appliquait les valeurs du christianisme dans sa vie personnelle comme dans son action publique.
Les élites chrétiennes mirent rapidement au service du pouvoir la rhétorique de la justification divine tant pour exalter le souverain que l’inviter à conformer ses actes à la parole du Christ. Dans la représentation du pouvoir par les contemporains lettrés et dans son autoreprésentation à travers les textes, les monuments et les images, le souverain assuma le modèle mis à sa disposition, quitte à en jouer pour servir les besoin de l'heure.
Après avoir abordé en 2008 la question de la christianisation du monde antique analysée dans ses aspects documentaires et régionaux, puis en 2013 celle du passage des dieux civiques aux saints patrons qui constitua moins une succession fonctionnelle qu’un hiatus dans la vie communautaire, l’université de Paris Nanterre a mené en octobre 2016 une réflexion collective, internationale et transversale sur les relations entre le Prince et le christianisme dans le contexte de l’Empire tardif et des royaumes issus de sa dislocation.
Le propos fut non seulement de mesurer l’influence de la religion dans l’idéalisation du pouvoir, mais encore d’étendre les perspectives de recherche aux principaux domaines d’exercice de l’autorité suprême. L’image du Prince se refléta en effet dans ses rapports avec les élites et avec les marges, avec les fidèles chrétiens et non-chrétiens, avec ses adversaires intérieurs et extérieurs. Entre le IVe et le VIIIe siècle, la notion de Prince chrétien constitua peut-être moins une donnée du réel qu'un revendication à illustrer et à défendre.
CONVEGNO IN MODALITA' DUALE LINK PER ACCEDERE --> https://unipd.zoom.us/s/83361609407 Convegno internazionale organizzato nell'ambito del progetto "ForMa - The Forgotten Manuscripts", diretto da Paola Lambrini. Padova, 22-23 ottobre... more
CONVEGNO IN MODALITA' DUALE
LINK PER ACCEDERE --> https://unipd.zoom.us/s/83361609407

Convegno internazionale organizzato nell'ambito del progetto "ForMa - The Forgotten Manuscripts", diretto da Paola Lambrini.

Padova, 22-23 ottobre 2021

L'evento si svolgerà IN PRESENZA, ma sarà possibile partecipare anche  attraverso il seguente link Zoom:
https://unipd.zoom.us/s/83361609407

Per ragioni organizzative, chi fosse interessato ad assistere al convegno in presenza è pregato di comunicarlo all'indirizzo convegno.forma@gmail.com
Research Interests:
A Conference on the Liber Iudiciorum
Yale Law School: 12-14 November 2021

Conference on Zoom: Preregistration Required
https://law.yale.edu/dawn-hispanic-legal-tradition