A group that formed during the pandemic to counter medical lies found that every lever it pulled on failed to produce the results it was hoping for.
The decision in Trump v. Anderson is another sign that the nation’s highest court will not help the country out of its political crisis.
It just doesn’t know how.
And ignoring its clear dictate is a dangerous choice to make.
One party heads toward a typical primary season. The other remains gripped by an authoritarian revenge fantasy.
Worrying about the dangers ahead is a bit like focusing on the risk that chemotherapy poses to a cancer patient’s health.
But don’t expect the justice system alone to save democracy.
The cases against the former president aren’t criminalizing politics. They’re criminalizing, well, crimes.
Half a year after the House finished its work, the executive branch has taken the baton and started running.
But bad-faith actors are still a threat to America’s elections.
A courtroom is an inhospitable place for the former president’s efforts to define his own reality.
The Manhattan district attorney’s charges underscore how profoundly unsuited Trump is for the office he is now again seeking.
The situation might be merely crass if not for the shadow of violence hanging over it.
A better version of the independent state legislature theory is proving difficult to figure out.
Even if it’s not explicitly about him at all.
Two wealthy and self-involved men are seeking the attention they crave.
House investigators have come far closer than I anticipated to pinning both moral and legal responsibility for the insurrection directly on Donald Trump himself.
And that’s exactly why it’s so dangerous.
By establishing an official record of the insurrection, the members are creating clarity in a political moment fogged with lies.
Its first two sessions have already made a powerful case for why this investigation matters.